Making little rocks out of Big Rocks

Making Little Rocks out of Big Rocks

By John (circa 1980’s)

            Back in the earlier period in this country, when it was still a free country, especially in the West, when a person was convicted of a crime, the level of punishment was just that, punishment.  If the crime was severe enough such as stealing a horse or murdering the wrong person, the punishment usually involved a rope and the nearest tree, whether or not he got a jury trial.  If the crime was something less severe that involved incarceration, the convicted criminal was locked up, his property taken temporarily, and he was punished.  The punishment often involved making little rocks out of big rocks with a sledge hammer, or some other equally physically strenuous labor.  The food was not the best and was usually less than nutritious such as bread and water.  But, when the criminal served his time, was punished sufficiently, he was deemed to have paid his debt to society.  His horse, saddle and guns were returned to him and he was released back into free American to find his own way.  The person/former criminal was not branded for life and could, and most often did, become productive members of the society.  While there may be somewhat of a stigma initially upon return to his origin, with good work and deeds over a period of time, that stigma eroded into nothing.

            But, that was in a free country.  As the crime system began to evolve, people convicted of crime, even petty or nothing crimes, became branded with a “criminal record.”  And, if that level of criminal records was a felony, the person now loses his rights as a citizen and in some cases cannot vote, possess a weapon even for self defense, and other sometimes more severe stigma such as placing signs in your front yard that brands you as a sexual pervert, or require one to blow into a machine merely to start his car.  So, a person convicted of a crime is branded for life as a criminal.

            To make matters worse, the social “do gooders” got further involved and the idea of punish was changed to “rehabilitation,” a form of brain washing.  Once rehabilitated, the criminal, even thought branded as such for a lifetime, was supposed to see the error of his ways and return to be a productive member of society.  But rather than rehabilitate, the jails have turned into large training camps for further criminal conduct thereby exacerbating the whole process.

            As has been demonstrated throughout history, punishment works.

Iraq War Summary 2007

IT’S NOT ROCKET SCIENCE

(or)  Why the United States is in Iraq in 2007

By John

October, 2007

            Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait, dropped bombs on Saudi Arabia and other places, amongst other misdeeds in the early 90’s, which generated the first Gulf War.  A brilliant move by the Commanding General Norman Schwarzkopf, former Vietnam line officer, encircled the Iraq army, but was stopped short of closing the door by the first President Bush who wanted to make it a 100 hour war.  The Iraq Army escaped.  But, Saddam agreed to do certain things in exchange for the cessation of hostilities.

            Almost immediately Saddam started breaking the agreements.  He kicked out the weapons inspectors, shot at planes in the no-fly zone, to name but a few miscreant acts.  President Bill Clinton sent scud missiles and dropped some bombs during Monica’s time, all, he said, in an effort to make Saddam live up to his commitments.

            George W. Bush was elected President.  9/11 happened.  Terrorist camps were invaded in Afghanistan and the Taliban removed in short order despite the same region previously being the Soviet Union’s “Vietnam.”  Bush started asking permission from Congress and the UN to do something about Saddam’s breaking the agreements.  Both the UN and Congress gave Bush authority to invade Iraq and enforce the agreements.  Time passed without much happening other than coalition building to the largest ever.

            Democrats and liberal media starting their anti-war/anti Bush chirping and ankle biting, complained that Bush needed the authority to invade Iraq renewed.  So, Bush went back to Congress and asked them to renew the authority to invade Iraq.  Most of the Democrats, although continuing to chirp, along with the majority Republicans, voted to give him authority, a second time.

            Iraq was finally invaded and, in record time, led by General Tommy Franks (another earlier Vietnam line officer), Saddam removed, his sons killed, the war declared ended, Saddam captured and occupation began.  Anti-war (anti-occupation????) Democrats and liberal media stuck up their heads again, started the chants of Bush lied/kids died and it’s all about the oil mantra, and complained about Bush errors made in Iraq.  Nevertheless, the Iraqi people conducted not just one, but three elections under a new Constitution.

            Memo to Democrats and limp spine Republicans:  In War and subsequent occupation, the Plan can never be followed to the letter.  After all, the other guy, the enemy, has a say in the battle/occupation.  That doesn’t make the plan an error or errors.  After all, Americans are noted for creativity and flexibility, especially in war.

            Al Qaeda then tried to incite a Civil War between the two major religious factions initially by blowing up a Mosque followed up by randomly blowing up civilians.  With apparent American success limited, the anti-war Democrats became emboldened and tried to fan an anti-war movement.  They questioned Bush’s authority to go into Iraq DESPITE not once, but twice having securing authority from Congress to say nothing of the countless resolutions from the UN and the 65 nation coalition.  They say Bush lied, yet at the time, each and every one of them in position saw the same intelligence and threats including WMD’s.  Nevertheless, these folks tried, seriously tried, to undermine the Iraq war/occupation effort.

            Demo’s Problem:  During the 60’s, the anti-war folks developed a different type of coalition, one with the draft eligible male youth, those who were most probable to go fight the war.  They were successful in fanning that fire.  Today, in 2007, there is no draft.  College students have no fear of being forced to serve in the military and go fight a war.  They evaluate the war as current history being made and discuss Iraq objectively.  They have no personal interest, generally, unless they know someone serving in the military, since they are not in line to be called to involuntarily join the Army or Marines.  Not the same thing as the Vietnam era.

            So, the anti-war/anti-occupation folks, and their allies in the print and television media, despite over four years of nightly propaganda against President Bush and his war, have failed to ignite any real anti-war sentiment at home.

            Then, in September, 2007, General Petraeus unanimously confirmed by the Senate to command the effort some several months before, testified in Congress that there was some great inroads being made to neutralize the fighting and establish internal security in most of Iraq.  Suddenly, the American population, realizing the main stream media had been lying to them, started again supporting the mission in Iraq.  Seeing this, the Democrats started reversing their position, only with the exception of the very far out fringe left.  And now, even Democrat Presidential wannabees acknowledge America’s place in Iraq, even after Bush leaves office in 2009.

            So, President George W. Bush’s war is moving to successful culmination in the tradition of an American war effort.

          Geography question:  What geo-politico country that needs surrounding lies between Afghanistan and Iraq?

          Besides: The whole point of American military presence in the middle-east is to provide a target for terrorist on their own soil and thereby keep the concept of terrorism in the middle-east, and not in mid-America.

Tort Reform, Where is the Constitutional Basis?

By John (January 2011)

            We’ve seen in my essay on abortion (The Good, The Bad and The Ugly) that the arguments asserting abortion as not being a right specifically granted in the United States Constitution are species at best.  The right to personal privacy is God granted and was merely being protected by specific provisions in the United States Constitution.  God granted man rights, not government.  The states may draw limits on man’s activities, but the State can overstep their authority in which case the federal government under the 14^th Amendment case law step in and preserve to the individual person God given rights.  

So, how about tort reform?  Specifically, we start with the proposition that the Constitution was created by the States.  The States met through delegates in Philadelphia and began the creation of the United States of America culminating in final form in 1787.  It did not exist up until that time, even on paper, until it was draw and then over a period of time, ratified by the requisite number of states.  Prior to that time, the States were merely a loose confederation.  Only at the point of final ratification did the federal government as we now know it come into existence.

Before the creation of the federal government, each state had its own property laws, contract laws, criminal laws, and tort laws, each integrated into the fabric of a system of laws for each individual State.  Granted, they were mostly grounded in English Common law.  To the extent they had differences those differences had to do with geography, culture, people, economic base (agricultural, mining, industry, etc) amongst other differing underlying support system, including the thinking in their respective state legislatures.  There was no federal property system, or contract system, or criminal system, or tort system provided for under the United States Constitution.  Each state was going to, and did, retain its own laws and legal system.  Today, for example, there are eight states which have community property systems growing out of Spanish influence, affecting all other areas of the law within the State including tort law.  Each has a particular geography, people, culture, and some would even argue, language, again albeit based loosely on English.  Texas is different from California which is different from New Mexico which is different from Colorado which is different from,,,,,,, point made.  Again, it affects not only the property system, but the contract law, the family law, the criminal law and tort law.

All jurisdictions in the United States with the sole exception of Louisiana are directly influenced by the English Common law.  Louisiana has a legal system based on the Napoleonic Code.  The French influence is different from any of the other 49 jurisdictions whether in property law, contract law, or tort law.  Again, there is a distinct Louisiana culture, language, etc, with a history influenced more by France than any other European country.

Despite the trend over the last 40 plus years within the states and their liberal law schools to create “uniform” model codes for adoption in all states and thereby attempt to make uniform a body of law all throughout the United States, the fact is that each state continues to retain their own system of laws in property, contract, criminal, family, and tort.  Many jurisdictions, especially Texas, have never adopted a uniform model without substantial change being made by the Texas legislature to adapt the law to the character, culture and history of Texas.*  The Uniform Commercial Code is a good example where Texas made a number of major changes to accommodate their oil and gas history as well as their large cattle industry.**

            So, the question ultimately presented to those who wish to legislate tort reform on the federal level is, “where in the United States Constitution does it provide that the Congress may pass laws changing, or even effecting, state tort law?  The Conservatives and many Republicans would ask us to make a federal law, tort reform, whatever form it may take, and change the substantive tort law in all fifty states.  One would think that such a power on the part of Congress must be granted in Article One.***  After all, again all federal power is granted by the States specifically in the Constitution.

What does our search reveal?  It’s not there.  It’s not granted.  It’s not express.  It’s not implied.  Folks, it just isn’t there.  And it shouldn’t be based on the very general outline of the history of the Constitution as set forth above.  Tort law is all State law existing in each State. Should Congress do it just because the liability insurance companies want it?****  That would be a total affront to the dignity which is, or at least was, the United States Constitution.

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*The author still agonizes over the Bowie knife model criminal code being adopted in Texas without regard to the history of Jim Bowie and the Alamo.

**There are prepared and lobbied uniform codes in virtually every area of the law, such as family law, criminal law, and commercial law, and in some areas that test the bounds of sanity such as conflicts of laws.  And although there are only two areas specified in the Constitution, there are literally thousands of federal crimes (see essay on Federal Crimes).

***Would they argue 1-8-3 the commerce clause allows the federal government to change State substantive law?  In the case of tort reform, one would think this would be more of a stretch than Obama Care.

****Of course, the Republican Party has become a lap dog for the liability insurance industry (not the Tea Party part).

Explaining the Essays

I’ve been writing short essays for years addressing areas of the society in general, mostly to preserve observations.  Often after sharing an essay with a friend or relative, they suggest I publish the work and share my thoughts with more people.  I’ve even had the suggestion to number them. Until experiencing the internet and blogs, the essays merely rested in my old computer word processing.  As I work on the software transferring the originals to my current format, they will be published out of order, but I’ve tried to place them as close as I can to the time of the authorship.

Heller Case

Heller Case

By John (July, 2008)

            Before we gun nuts celebrate the holding in the Heller case too much, perhaps we need to look more closely at just what the Heller decision did and what it didn’t do.  There will be substantial fallout as lower courts grapple with the meaning of Heller, especially since it was a 5-4 decision with the dissent trying to read the 2^nd Amendment out of the Constitution altogether.

            First, as in all Supreme Court holdings, the case is limited to the facts.  In Heller, the case was initiated within the jurisdiction of the District of Columbia, a federal government enclave, questioning the Constitutionality of District of Columbia ordinances.  Early in American History, the Supreme Court held the first eight amendments to the Constitution were applicable only to the federal government and not other levels of government.  Only after the Civil War and the passage of the 13^th and 14^th Amendments by the Radical Republican Congress, beginning with the slaughterhouse cases, the Supreme Court created the new legal concept of “substantive due process,” and thereafter, through the selective incorporation doctrine, has made the Bill of Rights applicable to political entities below the federal level.  It is easy to see therefore, this Heller decision applies only to federal law.  It is not an incorporation case and certainly does not make the 2^nd Amendment applicable to state law case.  That issue was simply not presented by the facts of the Heller case.

            Secondly, the majority opinion accepts the historically inaccurate insertion of two additional commas in the 2^nd Amendment, commas which are not contained within the original body of the 2^nd Amendment as originally adopted into the United States Constitution.*   In fact, much of the majority opinion, as well as the Steven dissent, spend pages of written word dissecting the exact wording of the 2^nd Amendment, each applying differing standards to reach their respective conclusions.  Without the additional commas, the analysis is much simplified because as any High School level grammar student understands, the words before the comma clearly make a prefatory phrase and are therefore not the substance of the declaration.  The substance of the declaration is, “,,, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.”  Again, I leave out the historically incorrect placing of a comma between the words Militia and being, and again between the words Arms and shall. (See Presser v. State of Illinois, 116 U.S. 252 (1886), where the United States Supreme Court sets out the 2^nd Amendment verbatim with only one comma).

Thirdly, and perhaps as important, nowhere within the opinion of either the majority or the dissents did the justices address the federal militia composition as set out in 10 U.S.C. Section 311, United States Code.   This Militia law is a very old federal statute contained within the “Armed Forces” section, Title 10, of the United States Code.   (Title 10 of the United States Code entitled Subtitle A provides for the General Military Law, Subtitle B provides for the Army, Subtitle C provides for the Navy and Marine Corps and finally Subtitle D provides for the Air Force.  Title 10 provides the legislative authority and direction for the United States Armed Forces.)

10 U.S.C., Section 311, reads as follows:

“Section 311.  Militia: composition and classes.

(a)  The militia of the United States consists of all able-bodied males at least 17 years of age and, except as provided in section 313 of title 32 [32 U.S.C. Section 313**], under 45 years of age who are, or who have made a declaration to become, citizens of the United States and of female citizens of the United States who are commissioned officers of the National Guard.

(b)  The classes of the militia are—

            (1)        the organized militia, which consists of the National Guard and the Naval Militia; and

            (2)        the unorganized militia, which consists of the members of the militia who are not members of the National Guard or the Naval Militia.”

That’s it.  Section 312 provides exceptions from serving in the militia for those one would expect, such as the Vice President, judicial and executive officers, members of the armed forces “….except members who are not on active duty,” customhouse clerks, mailmen, e.t.c.

            Current member of the United States Supreme Court ought to be embarrassed, not only because of the specious opinions when considering all of the briefs filed in this case and all of the legal talent supplying the briefs to say nothing of the justice’s briefing clerks and support staff, but the common ability of a Second year law student to look in the Federal Code.  How could they simply overlook a federal statute that would seem to clearly apply to the facts of this case as set out in the case?  Mr. Heller was a federal guard, not in the National Guard or the Naval Militia, and it would seem he clearly falls within the composition class of (b)(2) above.  He’s a member of the militia.

            Justice Stevens in his dissent argues in some 60 plus pages that the 2^nd Amendment applies only to preserving state militias and is not a personal right.  The argument is silly on the surface since the states created the Constitution, and would be the only state right protected in the Constitution.  Justice Stevens would read out of the Constitution the 9^th and 10^th Amendments and he would vest a personal right to bear arms in an entity, the States.  That aside, Stevens’ argument becomes clearly frivolous when you take into consideration the express wording of the federal militia statute cited above.  After all, the 2^nd Amendment even without incorporation to the states is applicable to the federal system and this is a federal statute, very old federal law at that.

            Justice Breyer in dissent would in addition subordinate the Second Amendment to local ordinances passed by subordinate governmental entities thereby ignoring the supremacy clause.

            Given 10 U.S.C. Section 311 is a federal statute and the statute clearly defines the composition of the militia, it would seem a very good legal argument that the Supreme Court is under an affirmative duty to protect the federal militia from encroachment by the Congress, the States and other subordinate governmental entities by holding, at every opportunity, that any law, federal, state, local, et. seq., that infringe on the right to keep and bear arms is unconstitutional, federal law by express wording, the rest on the basis of federal preemption.

            Finally, Justice Scalia for the majority at the end of the Heller opinion ignores the express wording of, “shall not be infringed.”  Rather, like most if not all previous Supreme Court opinions in interpreting the Bill of Rights, the Court reserves the right of the government to infringe on the rights of certain classes of citizens where guns are concerned, such as felons, lunatics, etc.  After all, even when the 1^st Amendments says, “Congress shall pass no law, ….. ,” the Court finds exception, such as fire in a crowded theater, or more recently, legislative limitations on free speech prior to elections.  The Court is, after all, a branch of the government and will in the end protect the government.

           

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* Punctuation can create interpretation problems.  In the September 22, 1957 first ever episode on the Maverick television series, War of the Silver Kings, Bret Maverick is disputing title to underground minerals and having won at the trial court with a holding by the drunken Judge Josh based on the old federal “Apex Law,” they were awaiting the appeal decision.  A telegram is received advising Phinias King he was the winner.  But, the telegram was briefly intercepted by Big Mike McComb.  Big Mike changed the punctuation inserting a comma and a period thereby making it possible to interpret the meaning to be otherwise, at least until the lawyer returned the next day.  It worked.  Phinias King gave in to the Maverick proposal and Bret left town before the lawyer returned to tell Phinias that he’d been had by the punctuation change.  By inserting two commas in the Second Amendment, are we citizens being had?

**National Guard legislation.

Roe v. Wade, The Good, The Bad and The Ugly

By John  (November 2008)

            There are those who criticize Roe v. Wade who have never considered the underlying basis for the holding or the way this case affects Constitutional Law and the refinement of Constitutional Law.  The case is founded on the pre-existing God given right to “privacy”.  Most of the critics assert there is no right to privacy enumerated in the Constitution.  Well, let’s think that through.  First and foremost, the Constitution as a body was designed as a limiting document, limiting the powers of the federal government.   The addition of the Bill of Rights not withstanding, the founders clearly meant that all powers not specifically provided in the written document were reserved to the States or the People.  In fact, the Bill of Rights guarantee the concept as embodied in the 9^th and 10^th Amendments.  The Bill of Rights in the first eight amendments sought to specify certain areas that the federal government was forbidden to act, yet reserving still those rights not specifically enumerated but nevertheless a grant to the people from the almighty.

            At first blush, Roe v. Wade simply followed the common law as it stood in 1973.  The common law was based on the progress of medical science at that time.  Roe v. Wade said the State had no interest whatsoever in a woman’s pregnancy during the first trimester (3 months), the State had a limited interest in a woman’s 2^nd trimester and had the right to regulate through laws the status of the unborn fetus during the last trimester.  After all, medical science in 1973 could not keep a fetus alive outside of the mother’s womb in the first three months of pregnancy, and, perhaps more importantly, the same held true during the second trimester.  But, medical science in 1973 did have procedures for maintaining the life of a fetus should it leave the nurture of the womb during the last three months of the pregnancy.

            The Supreme Court had previously acted in a privacy context in the earlier case of Griswold v. Connecticut where the state of Connecticut had passed laws prohibiting the use of condoms.  In a challenge to the Constitutionality of the laws, the Supreme Court said that the right of an individual to privacy, which is made applicable to the states through the 14^th Amendment, prohibited the legislatures from passing laws regulating the use of condoms in the purely private confines of one’s own home.  In other words, the state of Connecticut had violated the individual’s natural personal privacy rights by passing such laws.  Privacy was one of those rights of an American citizen derived from “pure natural laws” which are by there very nature fundamental such as the enjoyment of life and liberty, protection by the government, the right to acquire and possess property, the right to travel freely from one state to another, to breath air, protection by the writ of habeas corpus, the right to institute and maintain court actions, the elective franchise, e.t.c.

            In Roe v. Wade, the problem presented in 1973 was that the state of Texas made it unlawful for a woman to have an abortion at any time during her pregnancy, whether during the first trimester or not.  The state of medical science and the state of the common law merged at that point in time.  The Texas law accordingly infringed on the privacy rights of the mother.  The Supreme Court was called upon and did strike down the law in Texas on this very basis of mother’s privacy rights.  The opinion created the controversy when Justice Douglas wrote that the right of privacy emanated from the penumbras of the first eight amendments in the Bill of Rights.  The critics latched onto this wording and argue that there is no specified written right to privacy in the Constitution forgetting that the Constitution created the government and was a limiting document on the powers granted to the federal government.  The Constitution was never intended to list all of the rights of an American citizen which were granted by the Almighty.  Such a narrow reading of the document misses entirely the underlying purpose of the document as a whole.

The Good.  When the states seek to take away a God given right of a American citizen, the Supreme Court is bound to act through the 14^th Amendment to protect those rights.  States do not have unbridled discretion in limiting the God given rights of a free citizen in the United States.

The Bad.  Roe v. Wade was taken by many identifying themselves as “free choice”, to extend the mother’s rights without limitation.  Today, partial birth abortion, or the better name, infanticide, is practiced on a baby not deemed worthy by the mother, or parents, to be worth their bother such as a baby suffering from “down syndrome.”  In fact the Congress has even considered such legislation.

The Ugly.  Modern medical science has developed extensively since 1973.  Not only is it now possible to keep a fetus alive outside of the mother’s womb during much of the second trimester, it is now possible to visualize the development of the human embryo during the first trimester.  Based on these developments, the argument that there is actual life in the womb has empirical foundation.  The “right to life” movement embraces this new technology to argue, as noted with clear evidence, that there is a life being taken during an abortion procedure.*  The hard fact is, the fetus still cannot live outside of the mother’s womb during the first three months, despite having all of the characteristics of a real life living human being and hence is not living.  The fetus is still part of the mother’s body.

            So, is Roe v. Wade good law?  It is clearly arguable that it was good law in 1973.  Perhaps Roe should be revisited in analysis of the implications medical science now imposes on the 2^nd trimester.  But overturned?  Perhaps not, as again the mother does have a federally protected right to privacy.

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*The argument that life begins at conception ignores the biological fact that the fertilized egg must still attach to the wall of the womb.  There are millions of fertilized sperms and eggs that never catch on to the mother’s body to survive.